Great Speech By President Obama at Mandela's Memorial Service

Tuesday, December 10, 2013 Dr. Frank Robert Silverson

I found this speech pleasantly poignant.
I hope you enjoy reading it. Here is the full transcript:

President Obama addressed the memorial for former South African president Nelson Mandela; this is a transcript of his remarks as delivered.

Thank you. Thank you so much. Thank you. To Graça Machel and the Mandela family; to President Zuma and members of the government; to heads of states and government, past and present; distinguished guests -- it is a singular honor to be with you today, to celebrate a life like no other. To the people of South Africa -- people of every race and walk of life -- the world thanks you for sharing Nelson Mandela with us. His struggle was your struggle. His triumph was your triumph. Your dignity and your hope found expression in his life. And your freedom, your democracy is his cherished legacy.
It is hard to eulogize any man -- to capture in words not just the facts and the dates that make a life, but the essential truth of a person -- their private joys and sorrows; the quiet moments and unique qualities that illuminate someone’s soul. How much harder to do so for a giant of history, who moved a nation toward justice, and in the process moved billions around the world.
Born during World War I, far from the corridors of power, a boy raised herding cattle and tutored by the elders of his Thembu tribe, Madiba would emerge as the last great liberator of the 20th century. Like Gandhi, he would lead a resistance movement -- a movement that at its start had little prospect for success. Like Dr. King, he would give potent voice to the claims of the oppressed and the moral necessity of racial justice. He would endure a brutal imprisonment that began in the time of Kennedy and Khrushchev, and reached the final days of the Cold War. Emerging from prison, without the force of arms, he would -- like Abraham Lincoln -- hold his country together when it threatened to break apart. And like America’s Founding Fathers, he would erect a constitutional order to preserve freedom for future generations -- a commitment to democracy and rule of law ratified not only by his election, but by his willingness to step down from power after only one term.
Given the sweep of his life, the scope of his accomplishments, the adoration that he so rightly earned, it’s tempting I think to remember Nelson Mandela as an icon, smiling and serene, detached from the tawdry affairs of lesser men. But Madiba himself strongly resisted such a lifeless portrait. Instead, Madiba insisted on sharing with us his doubts and his fears; his miscalculations along with his victories. “I am not a saint,” he said, “unless you think of a saint as a sinner who keeps on trying.”
It was precisely because he could admit to imperfection -- because he could be so full of good humor, even mischief, despite the heavy burdens he carried -- that we loved him so. He was not a bust made of marble; he was a man of flesh and blood -- a son and a husband, a father and a friend. And that’s why we learned so much from him, and that’s why we can learn from him still. For nothing he achieved was inevitable. In the arc of his life, we see a man who earned his place in history through struggle and shrewdness, and persistence and faith. He tells us what is possible not just in the pages of history books, but in our own lives as well.
Mandela showed us the power of action; of taking risks on behalf of our ideals. Perhaps Madiba was right that he inherited, “a proud rebelliousness, a stubborn sense of fairness” from his father. And we know he shared with millions of black and colored South Africans the anger born of, “a thousand slights, a thousand indignities, a thousand unremembered moments…a desire to fight the system that imprisoned my people,” he said.
But like other early giants of the ANC -- the Sisulus and Tambos -- Madiba disciplined his anger and channeled his desire to fight into organization, and platforms, and strategies for action, so men and women could stand up for their God-given dignity. Moreover, he accepted the consequences of his actions, knowing that standing up to powerful interests and injustice carries a price. “I have fought against white domination and I have fought against black domination. I’ve cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and [with] equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.”
Mandela taught us the power of action, but he also taught us the power of ideas; the importance of reason and arguments; the need to study not only those who you agree with, but also those who you don’t agree with. He understood that ideas cannot be contained by prison walls, or extinguished by a sniper’s bullet. He turned his trial into an indictment of apartheid because of his eloquence and his passion, but also because of his training as an advocate. He used decades in prison to sharpen his arguments, but also to spread his thirst for knowledge to others in the movement. And he learned the language and the customs of his oppressor so that one day he might better convey to them how their own freedom depend upon his.
Mandela demonstrated that action and ideas are not enough. No matter how right, they must be chiseled into law and institutions. He was practical, testing his beliefs against the hard surface of circumstance and history. On core principles he was unyielding, which is why he could rebuff offers of unconditional release, reminding the Apartheid regime that “prisoners cannot enter into contracts.”
But as he showed in painstaking negotiations to transfer power and draft new laws, he was not afraid to compromise for the sake of a larger goal. And because he was not only a leader of a movement but a skillful politician, the Constitution that emerged was worthy of this multiracial democracy, true to his vision of laws that protect minority as well as majority rights, and the precious freedoms of every South African.
And finally, Mandela understood the ties that bind the human spirit. There is a word in South Africa -- Ubuntu -- a word that captures Mandela’s greatest gift: his recognition that we are all bound together in ways that are invisible to the eye; that there is a oneness to humanity; that we achieve ourselves by sharing ourselves with others, and caring for those around us.
We can never know how much of this sense was innate in him, or how much was shaped in a dark and solitary cell. But we remember the gestures, large and small -- introducing his jailers as honored guests at his inauguration; taking a pitch in a Springbok uniform; turning his family’s heartbreak into a call to confront HIV/AIDS -- that revealed the depth of his empathy and his understanding. He not only embodied Ubuntu, he taught millions to find that truth within themselves.
It took a man like Madiba to free not just the prisoner, but the jailer as well to show that you must trust others so that they may trust you; to teach that reconciliation is not a matter of ignoring a cruel past, but a means of confronting it with inclusion and generosity and truth. He changed laws, but he also changed hearts.
For the people of South Africa, for those he inspired around the globe, Madiba’s passing is rightly a time of mourning, and a time to celebrate a heroic life. But I believe it should also prompt in each of us a time for self-reflection. With honesty, regardless of our station or our circumstance, we must ask: How well have I applied his lessons in my own life? It’s a question I ask myself, as a man and as a President.
We know that, like South Africa, the United States had to overcome centuries of racial subjugation. As was true here, it took sacrifice -- the sacrifice of countless people, known and unknown, to see the dawn of a new day. Michelle and I are beneficiaries of that struggle. But in America, and in South Africa, and in countries all around the globe, we cannot allow our progress to cloud the fact that our work is not yet done.
The struggles that follow the victory of formal equality or universal franchise may not be as filled with drama and moral clarity as those that came before, but they are no less important. For around the world today, we still see children suffering from hunger and disease. We still see run-down schools. We still see young people without prospects for the future. Around the world today, men and women are still imprisoned for their political beliefs, and are still persecuted for what they look like, and how they worship, and who they love. That is happening today.
And so we, too, must act on behalf of justice. We, too, must act on behalf of peace. There are too many people who happily embrace Madiba’s legacy of racial reconciliation, but passionately resist even modest reforms that would challenge chronic poverty and growing inequality. There are too many leaders who claim solidarity with Madiba’s struggle for freedom, but do not tolerate dissent from their own people. And there are too many of us on the sidelines, comfortable in complacency or cynicism when our voices must be heard.
The questions we face today -- how to promote equality and justice; how to uphold freedom and human rights; how to end conflict and sectarian war -- these things do not have easy answers. But there were no easy answers in front of that child born in World War I. Nelson Mandela reminds us that it always seems impossible until it is done. South Africa shows that is true. South Africa shows we can change, that we can choose a world defined not by our differences, but by our common hopes. We can choose a world defined not by conflict, but by peace and justice and opportunity.
We will never see the likes of Nelson Mandela again. But let me say to the young people of Africa and the young people around the world -- you, too, can make his life’s work your own. Over 30 years ago, while still a student, I learned of Nelson Mandela and the struggles taking place in this beautiful land, and it stirred something in me. It woke me up to my responsibilities to others and to myself, and it set me on an improbable journey that finds me here today. And while I will always fall short of Madiba’s example, he makes me want to be a better man. He speaks to what’s best inside us.
After this great liberator is laid to rest, and when we have returned to our cities and villages and rejoined our daily routines, let us search for his strength. Let us search for his largeness of spirit somewhere inside of ourselves. And when the night grows dark, when injustice weighs heavy on our hearts, when our best-laid plans seem beyond our reach, let us think of Madiba and the words that brought him comfort within the four walls of his cell: “It matters not how strait the gate, how charged with punishments the scroll, I am the master of my fate: I am the captain of my soul.”
What a magnificent soul it was. We will miss him deeply. May God bless the memory of Nelson Mandela. May God bless the people of South Africa.
Source: http://www.washingtonpost.com

Corruption: Who Cares?

Sunday, December 08, 2013 Dr. Frank Robert Silverson

Awoken By The Cacophony Of Affairs
Having been on a perduring hiatus to focus on issues of practical significance, I find myself rousted and ferreted by the stridence of issues festering in the last few months. Indeed, since I have refrained from writing, I have done well to suppress the urge; but somehow, on this occasion, I can tell my fancy has been tantalisingly teased and tickled, and my writing aqueduct punctured beyond repairs. And as such, this piece captures the confluence of emotions and ratiocinations.
Do I expect to set a conflagration to deflagrate the chaff of corruption that so engulfs my motherland? Probably not. In any case, the ideas I intend to distil might yet—and I say this with bated breath—set off a flicker that may peradventure amount to something of significance in the wider scheme of affairs. After all, in the days that we live, many get the chance to read online and while I may not be interested in adding to the garbled cacophony on the airwaves and other media; it may well be that somebody of high standing and political clout may yet stumble on the musings of a concerned soul and experience an epiphany of sorts.
And while I may not be showered with national laurels for pointing out that indeed the emperor is naked; personal gratification would surely be the coveted crown which I will boldly and incessantly wear with endearing and enduring aplomb.
Palpitating Hearts Of Corruption
The passion for corruption is in the national blood; it is inherently ingrained and innately inculcated. If we were to see a true micrograph of the situation; it would betray a tapestry brimming with a motley of corruption. And which aspect of our pied culture would be exempt? Religion or the judiciary—it is right there as a welcome bedfellow. It is one chorus jarringly sung in many a sector of our national symphony with barish bellicosity and brazen belligerence to the discomfort of those listening and expecting a much more sonorous tune.
Before anybody tries to play the onus probandi card with me; they should quickly remember that only a callow stripling would be so temerarious to question this suggestion of corruption when this flagrant painting is visible to the blind and its noisome music is audible to the deaf—not to mention that even the dumb are shouting it on rooftops; and the cripples are running to bruit about the message. And what about the many statistics that everybody can easily lay their hands on?
Even if we were to wipe our mouth clean with the cleanest, trimmest, freshest tissue, one great leader’s statement implicates us when he says, “For you clean the outside of the cup and of the plate, but within they are full of extortion (prey, spoil, plunder) and grasping self-indulgence.”
Corruption is systemic in our setup and to attempt to start name calling would be an attempt to expunge miniscule maculae and vestiges when there are several emblazoned splotches in one’s purview.
For some perplexing and dizzying reason it seems we get to catch the small fish while the big fish seems to escape with gross impunity and a lack of effrontery. How possible? What sort of sieve catches small particles and lets go of big items—even monoliths? This sounds contrary to expectations but appears to be the prevailing situation.
Or perhaps the big fish is too big for the pan; and we might as well let go of it and concern ourselves with what can fit the pan of our system? Or somebody tell me whether there are untouchables: people wielding unimaginable power and being well ensconced on aerie pedestals far beyond the law or any internal control system? And while we may comfortingly disport ourselves that such is not the situation; anybody who even cursorily considers life will acquiesce with this position.
The Status Quo
Society seems to be set up in such a way that some of the vilest crooks are neither proscribed nor pilloried but rather praised and pleasured.
Thinking about issues in a deeper way, one may notice some paradoxes that society has to offer. Take for example our financial systems: Who truly pays more tax in terms of percentages — is it Sam, the über-rich guy, or Tom, the struggling poor? How could Tom get access to what Sam has access to? And the least said about some of the big corporations the better.
And even when it comes to credit offerings: Who gets the best rates (or even any money at all) — is it Sandy who has money to spare or John who needs an all-night vigil to force the heavens to purvey his next meal?
In medical systems for example: Who gets the best treatment – Martha, who needs it the most, or Tamara, who can more than afford it?
Unsurprisingly, while corruption may be endemic; some of the most skilful crooks are some of the most educated who know how to get around the rules with ease. Rather than using their education and knowledge to help society; this has become their forte in their attempt to grease their rough palms, line their bottomless pockets, and sustain their ever-enlarging tastes.
Let’s not get started on the politician who seems to be the next thing to a saviour personified. How they prate on about the ills of society only to exacerbate the condition once the rudder is handed over to them is nothing short of mind-boggling.
Acceptance & Languor
When the subject of corruption comes up, we are very quick to apportion blame. And rightly we may expect responsibility and accountability from those at the helm of affairs in the nation. These people should be prepared to accept such with grace as after all the buck stops with them. When organisations fail; the head goes. And this is not rocket science. In that sense we have every right to require the highest standards from those in whom we have reposed our confidence through exercising our suffrage at the ballot box.
But for what some of these leaders are guilty of; they may need to answer an important question posed by one writer speaking under inspiration who asks: “What mean ye that ye beat my people to pieces, and grind the faces of the poor?”
Lest we place an unfair charge on all, it may well be that some of these leaders are not guilty of corruption; but how would we know beyond the slightest shadow of doubt? Perhaps we should rewrite the statement that, “Dead flies can make a whole bottle of perfume stink, and a little stupidity can cancel out the greatest wisdom.”
When tyros who are offered the lofty chance to taste the glorious fruits of service in a public office start saying things that show that like a dog, they have not only smelt but actually caught sight of a juicy bone and hence have impishly started wagging their tail in anticipation of the booty; or like a lion they have espied their prey and are patiently stalking with a view to pounce; then what about those who have been in office as ancient as the word suggests?
If one trial—with the accused caught pants down—is anything to go by; then it does not seem to get better with age. In that scenario, the eldest absquatulated before the younger ones—once the judge posed a piercing question which convicted all the plaintiffs eager to spill blood.
For our contemplation we may want to ask ourselves: Do we elect people who are corrupt or does the office make them corrupt?
If someone may say that just by being in the garage, you do not become a car; now what about water remaining in a freezer, does it not change from liquid to solid for it to be referred to as ice?
So what brings about the corruption? Is it our systems that enable the people to become corrupt or these are corrupt people who only pander to their corruption proclivities like a duck takes to water and a monkey cherishes a banana?
On introspection, we may agree that our approach to dealing with corruption has not been as effective as it could have been. Sometimes it seems as though all our concerted efforts—which we may construe as genuine means to ameliorate a menace—are nothing but a mere façade. Ipso facto, on occasion, our placid temper to corruption coupled with our most puissant effort has in some respects been like a frantic adventure to clasp onto water in a clench fist.
I observe that even for some of the advanced economies not only tax avoidance which is legal takes place but so does tax evasion among others. I shudder to think of our translucent tax system; and I ask myself how much “light” is passing through? Even if it was opaque, some light would still somehow manage to pass through; how much what we have?
Strangled By Corruption
But on a more serious note: Could it be that what an ancient sage points out is a verisimilitude of our situation when he says, “As for my people, children are their oppressors...”? If the answer to this question is true then we have a serious problem on hand.
What would become of an armoured vehicle with a child at the wheel? Would it be surprising where it precipitately heads as well as the trail of damage it leaves in its wake?
Whether it is petty corruption, grand corruption, or systemic corruption; the exacerbation of the issue may manifest itself in poverty, inequality, broken public services, politicians who serve themselves, business owners who abuse their power, bribery, embezzlement, theft and fraud, extortion and blackmail, or cunning or palpable favouritism, nepotism and clientelism. And it is certain that people are increasingly waking up to demand a change in the trajectory that we seem to be peregrinating as a nation. But would taking to the streets really be a potent solution?
In all honesty, it is only a fanciful and fantastic thought as to what our nation would have been like if corruption were entirely purged from the system without even a scintilla present. In fact, it would no doubt be a breath of fresh, fragrant, redolent air contrary to the rancid ambience we seem stuck in. But to believe that such a situation—total eradication rather than mitigation is possible—forget vain promises of yore—would be almost chimerical in one sense and puerile in the other. How can you believe a thing like that? It may be a lot easier to dry the sea and build solid skyscrapers on the reclaimed land than to believe that we can totally rid this nation of the malodorous fumes of corruption that is asphyxiating the populace. Is that pessimistic?
Corruption is an age-old menace that no country has fully got rid of. It is like the sun; it shines everywhere. So why then are some countries always competing to come first in the tables of most corrupt countries? In fact, some of them are so much associated with it that you can bet with unerring accuracy that they will occupy apical spots. And in any case, who really decides how corrupt these countries are? Can we fully be convinced they themselves are wholly free from the dust of corruption?
As I have looked at some of these countries, I have noticed that these are some naturally-endowed countries but ones very much associated with poverty. In that sense it seems that while all countries are corrupt—and I repeat they all are—it appears some have found a way of quashing the grumbling exhalations and silencing the susurrations of aggrieved souls by improving the lot of the people. For others, they are yet to learn this vital lesson.
Festering Wounds
You may read whatever you want and believe what you are inclined to believe. Although I have rightly apportioned blame to the leaders, perhaps that may not be representative of the wider picture—in fact the net needs to be widened. This is because corruption is so prevalent it has permeated every fibre of our nation’s esse. It goes beyond mere leaders, as after all, the nation is not made up of only leaders. In that sense, corruption is as bottom-up as it is top-down.
Thinking further, one may ask the question: Could it also be that some of the people who sometimes grouse or even preach are themselves corrupt?
Do they succeed in shielding their shady deals with the ferocity of their claims? Is that the alluring stratagem they adopt to scatter sand particles of deception and distraction into the eyes of those who may be inclined to probe? Or are they aided and abetted by the principle that silence means consent?
And what about some of the whistleblowers? Do they truly find corruption repugnant or they do so because they are disconsolately excluded from sharing in the booty? Do they come out only because that is their last trump card?
Whether we are inclined to agree or not, we are a corrupt people and in some respects may be getting more and more corrupt—forget what some pundits may proffer. And a point like this may attract a peacock’s or even a porcupine’s response—and rightly so.
The Revolution of Conscience
We may do well by strengthening multilateral institutions, reducing poverty, increasing remuneration, improving work conditions, streamlining and simplifying procedures, stemming the monopoly dominance in some fields, augmenting regulator discretion, and increasing the level of transparency in several sectors. These are all truly essential means of tackling this gnawing and galling issue of corruption.
Moreover, while we may see leaders attempting to bring this issue under control; and indeed, they may very well go about turning off the tap at the mains to stop the water from flowing into the large barrels and broad basins that have been expectantly placed underneath the tap; but if some of those charged with doing this are themselves corrupt, then we can expect that whilst the tap is still closed, the water in the reservoir will continue to diminish by their own contrived artifices.
Looking at the Arab Spring etc. and all that has transpired—judging by what we see and read of those countries—one suggestion may be that its smouldering ashes have woefully failed to deliver the utopia that some of them were even willing to be immolated for.
In view of such, I call for a different kind of revolution; I call this “The Revolution of Conscience.”
And we cannot wait for any religious body to lead such a revolution. How possible? Can the blind—and some of them are as blind as a bat—lead the blind? We need an awakening on the personal level. This is the sort that transforms inwardly and shows outwardly. It is so effective; it is like having the Fire Service put out a fire on a stove.
If that does not happen, all we will be attempting to do irrespective of all the rules—which will be flouted and broken like the sun dries out the dew—will amount to naught. In truth, these people will only get more skilful in both their devices as well as covering their trails.
To reiterate an earlier point, in a way, some of the policies to deal with corruption have been risible at best and feckless at worst. It has been synonymous with attempting to put out a conflagration by blowing out air through one’s nostrils.
The Way Forward
When the moral fibre of a people has become this decadent—spare me what looks like a majestic exterior; we all know that the interior is graveolent—it does take more than a weak effort in mitigating it. It requires painstaking assiduity and considerable time. But leadership remains crucial in lowering the temperature of what has become a crucible of corruption decrepitating the nation.
On the national scale, I guess there are some good people with truly Homeric qualities who love politics and would love to play a vital part. But prudence may suggest to them that to participate in politics now is like a virgin bride apparelled in spotless white who decides in a rush to skip the drive to the church for natation in a morass.
For such folk, perhaps their candour and artlessness would not find a place in a profession that seems to be steeply rooted in deception for which one has to of necessity be a snollygoster of sorts to be able to skid effortlessly and facilely on its tangled ropes and plexiform paths.
And still I am left asking a question of lasting significance and monumental value: But if our political landscape is so fomented with the froth of filth; who is going to clean it up? And that is one that we should all process in our cerebration.
While we may all have valid and laudable suggestions, I may yet postulate that considering the magnitude of the issue at hand, an ethereal rather than a sublunary aid may be needed as a matter of urgency. In that sense, we should all impetrate the One from whom all Nature flows and hope that He is favourably entreated by our orison.
Why such a suggestion, one may query? This is because, for some people their cacoethes, peccadillo, foible etc. is to incessantly cave in to their corrupt desires. And forget about substantive and compliance testing, all internal controls, all the harsher sentences that the law will stipulate—forget all that—there are some who will peddle their skulduggery and play the system with flair like a bird takes to the air. It may just be that for those people, only divine intervention may be the way out.
In essence, I posit that there are people who have no bone of compunction in their being and if they were caught; they would be sorry for getting caught rather than what they did. For the presence of such people scattered in every sector of our nation, the millstone of decay will incessantly hang uncomfortably over our neck as long as they continue to contrive—and aided by our inability to weave them out—to ascend to the loftiest and lordliest offices of influence. And would they trifle care when they have and continue to glaringly get away with it?
Dr. F. R. Silverson
“Intellectualism without conscience self-destructs.”